Enacted Landscapes: Sámi Naturecultures in Contemporary Duodji

Written By Canvas

Written by Fiona Vail

Edited by Mathieu Lajoie

 

For me, Falling Shawls is about how different our realities are from each other, even though we live in the same space and time.

– Outi Pieski (2017)1

 

Landscape. Within the Western canon of art history, this seemingly simple term is ubiquitous. It refers to images of pastoral lands or untouched “nature,” to a genre of painting, and to the “visible features of an area of […] land” considered for their aesthetic qualities.2 The straightforwardness of these definitions, however, conceals two critical and highly charged assumptions upon which they rest. Firstly, that the viewer (as subject) is somehow separate from the inhabited environment; secondly, that the environment (as object) is constant, external, and without agency–there to be observed and understood by the rational human subject. These assumptions are rooted in naturalism, the ontological perspective on which modernism relies, defined by Phillipe Descola as “the coexistence of a single unifying nature and a multiplicity of cultures.”3 The naturalist worldview4 rests on a difference of interiority and a similarity of exteriority - or materiality - between beings,5 in turn creating such binary divides as mind vs. body and culture vs. nature. As global colonial projects have given near hegemonic power to the naturalist worldview, a major element of anti-colonial action within academia requires a challenging of this hegemony and a reflection upon how naturalism shapes academic disciplines and the assumptions they make.

In light of this, how might “landscape” be differently understood and defined within non-naturalist worldviews? And what roles do epistemological and ontological structures play in shaping both art historical knowledge production and the experiences of art viewers? While a comprehensive answer to these questions is beyond the scope of this essay, I propose a preliminary exploration of them through a consideration of two works by prominent Sámi contemporary artists: Falling Shawls by Outi Pieski (2017) and Sámi Shelters #1-5 by Joar Nango (2009-2014). By examining these works in terms of their use of textile duodji (handicraft) to represent/create “landscapes,” I shall make two arguments. Firstly, that the use of duodji within contemporary art institutions enacts a form of survivance. Secondly, that these works reveal a specifically Sámi naturalcultural space which may be visible but ontologically inaccessible to the Western naturalist viewer.

Figure 1. Outi Pieski, Čohkiideapmi (Falling Shawls), 2017, shawl thread and steel, London Southbank Centre, London.

Though both creating works which center on inhabited environment, Pieski and Nango often differ in terms of their preferred media and subject matter. Born in what is now Finland and practising primarily in multimedia forms of painting, Pieski’s work tends to focus on both the geographical and cultural landscapes of Sápmi, the naturalcultural region of the Sámi.6 Nango, born in Norway, focuses most of his work on Sámi architecture, examining built and social environments through the use of physical and digital multimedia projects. This is perhaps most clearly demonstrated in Girjegumpi (2018), a mobile architectural library based on the nomadic structure of the gumpi. Despite these diverse practices, the two works examined in this essay are connected through their respective makers’ uses of culturally specific textile-work as a means of understanding and presenting environment. Pieski’s Falling Shawls (Čohkiideapmi) is an installation piece for the London Southbank Centre comprising 1000 hanging chevrons, each made of 35 colourful tassels (fig. 1). Constructed with the aid of twelve women,7 these shawl-like structures powerfully resemble at once a great gathering of people in Sámi dress and a forested environment.8 Nango’s Sámi Shelters #1-5 likewise uses garment-making techniques to present an environment, here tackling the complex questions of identity and colonialism in settler-built Lavvu structures by knitting them into wool sweaters (fig. 2).9

Figure 2. Joar Nango, Sámi Shelters #1-5, 2009-2014, wool, exhibited in travelling exhibition Among All These Tundras, Concordia’s Leonard and Bina Ellen Art Gallery, Montreal.

Figure 3. Joar Nango, Sámi Shelters #1-5, 2009-2014, wool and wire hangers, exhibited at Tensta Konsthall, Stockholm.

Naturecultures

An exploration of these two pieces as works of Sámi-specific “landscape” requires that we first attempt to define Sámi relationality with land, which will be approached through the lens of naturalcultural theories. These emerged in anthropology with works like Bruno Latour’s 1991 book We Have Never Been Modern. Here, it is posited that the notion of “culture” is created through its separation from “nature,” and that thus neither can exist outside of the other.10 In more recent years, figures such as Tim Ingold have used the concept of naturecultures for a more radical decentering of naturalist worldviews, pointing out the paradoxicality of claims that “nature is a cultural construct” and considering relations between peoples and environments to be co-constitutive.11 This type of relationality, wherein “persons enter actively into the constitution of their environments […] from within,”12 highlights one of the key claims underlying this paper and naturalcultural approaches more broadly: that neither an environment nor its inhabitants precede one another, for they are constantly engaged in the acts of shifting and becoming which Ingold refers to as interagentivity.13

Attention to this “interagentive” co-constitution of person and place challenges academic inclinations to read non-naturalist worldviews through a naturalist lens, a habit which promotes a Eurocentric ideal of knowledge and tends to flatten vast systems of relating and knowing into “beliefs.” By rejecting this inclination, scholars undermine Western assumptions that there are multiple cultures mapping their beliefs onto a single external world, allowing instead for considerations of multiple naturalcultural realities.14 With this, we aim to meet with the worldviews of Indigenous communities on their own terms.15

Sámi worldviews are often described as “animist,”16 a type of ontology which is defined as a reversal of naturalism, “claiming an identity of soul and a difference of bodies” between beings.17 The term “animism” can certainly be mapped onto many elements of Sámi realities and environmental relations, a strong example of which being the multi-species communication which Sámi scholar Elina Helander-Renvall refers to as “mythic discourse.”18 Here, communication between human and nonhuman agents becomes key to both hunting and shamanic relations, as we see in the author’s own example of her father deciding not to kill a rabbit after looking into its eyes.19 As is the case with many other Indigenous groups, however, this opposition between Sámi and Western ontological systems has meant that Sámi land relations are frequently homogenised to present a view that Sámi are somehow “closer” to “nature” than are Western settler societies.20 This view bears great resemblance to the harmful “noble savage” archetype, a literary trope wherein Indigenous peoples are considered to be innately pure and uncorrupted populations fated to die out as Western society advances. Sanna and Jarno Valkonen seek to challenge this homogenising view of Sámi ontologies and land relations, highlighting the difference between the many environments in which Sámi live (from reindeer siida to fishing communities to modern cities) and the ways in which these alter their relationalities with land.21 Furthermore, they seek to distinguish discursive land relations (as worldviews, knowledge-systems, and ontologies) from concrete, practical relations with environment.22

Landscape

Just as Sámi land relations are complex and heterogeneous, so too must Sámi landscape art represent a diversity of perspectives, practices, and relationalities. How, then, do Pieski and Nango construct landscape? What do they have in common, and where do they differ? Nango’s piece is the most straightforward in terms of its relationship to landscape art traditions. Consisting of five knit sweaters depicting giant contemporary Lavvu-style buildings,23 Sámi Shelters #1-5 gives an almost painterly depiction of what Nango refers to as “Giant Lavvu Syndrome” (GLS).24 Highlighting architectural tropes within contemporary Sámi communities, GLS is a term which seeks to bring awareness to the simplification of cultural traditions which results from the popular adoption of the Lavvu shape into otherwise conventional architecture by non-Sámi architects.25 Nango does not seek, however, merely to criticise this architectural trend; instead, he embraces the complex role of these structures within the colonial situation, shedding light both on their flattening of Sámi architectural history and on their tangible importance to the construction of identity within their local communities.26 In this, his giant Lavvu seem to mirror the role of outsider conceptions of Sámi environmental relations. Indeed, while the view that Sámi communities are “one with nature” is rooted in discursive violence, the idea that Sámi have a special relationship with their environment remains essential to the ways that many contemporary Sámi construct their political and personal identities.27 Landscape, for Nango, is thus a form of identification as well as an inhabited space. On his idea for the piece, Nango speaks of clothing as a form of architecture, “the first layer of shelter.”28 By knitting architectural landscapes into clothing, then, he renders both Sámi built environments and land inseparable from the people. Landscape is thus something which is always worn, created, woven into the fibres of Sámi identities. Even when the body is physically absent, the unworn sweaters shed light on a productive Sámi presence which can be found both in the Lavvu and in the vast stretches of flora which surround them.

Figure 4. Outi Pieski wearing traditional Sámi dress (including a shawl).

This importance of garments and of (in)visible Sámi bodies is also intrinsic to the presentation of landscape in Pieski’s Falling Shawls. The shawl-pieces–whose materials, forms, and bright colours reflect an important piece of dress found across Sápmi (fig. 4)–hang at various heights to thoroughly take over their installation space. In some areas, they hang low–almost touching the ground–so that the figures who walk among them seem flattened, as if painted into a forest-scape (fig. 5). Elsewhere they float far above the viewers, dancing through the sky like the northern lights. This creates a landscape which is in many ways similar to that seen with Nango: an inhabited space, an environment made up of the symbolically absent bodies and the tangibly present labour of Sámi people. These bodies both literally and symbolically make up the land, reflecting the idea from Pieski’s website that “nature is a cultural space where people live.”29 Pieski hopes that, though the work does not visibly reflect a specific landscape, it can be experienced as one.30 In this hope, we see that landscape for Pieski is also an action, an experience, “always a verb.”31 The environment and its inhabitants do not precede one another: neither in Nango’s sweaters nor in Pieski’s shawls could the landscape exist, be it forested or architectural, without the implied wearers of the garments, the Sámi people. They are co-constitutive, interagentive. The gathering of people in Sámi dress in both works forms a naturalcultural environment which at once constructs and is constructed. These environments become inhabited, enacted landscapes, far removed from the “untouched nature” seen in Western definitions of the land. These works do not, however, merely symbolically represent Sápmi– they create tangible naturalcultural spaces which are rendered incomplete when seen exclusively through a naturalist lens. This is done, in both cases, through the use of duodji.

Figure 5. Outi Pieski, Čohkiideapmi (Falling Shawls), 2017, shawl thread and steel, London Southbank Centre, London, UK.

Enactment

Duodji, often translated in English as “handicraft,” is central to Falling Shawls and Sámi Shelters, both of which use “traditional” garment-making techniques to produce installations which challenge the divides between bodies, garments, and environments. The two works are produced collaboratively and, interestingly, largely by women.32 Gunvor Guttorm, a professor of duodji at Sámi allaskuvla (the Sámi University of Applied Sciences), defines duodji as “all forms of [human] creative expression” more broadly and as distinct forms of Sámi handicraft more specifically.33 She is careful, however, to separate it from the Western notion of “art” (called dáidda in Northern Sámi), which she says forms a “dichotomy between technique and aesthetics” which does not exist in duodji.34 This means that the use of duodji by contemporary artists like Pieski and Nango is already at its core an act of resistance: challenging both the Eurocentrism of the Western art institute and its core dichotomies of form vs. function, aesthetic vs. practical value, and art vs. craft.35 Beyond this, their use of duodji stands as an act of what Anishinaabe scholar Gerald Vizenor calls “survivance.”36 Survivance refers to an active Indigenous standpoint which combines survival and resistance, with the latter often existing within the former (as in the face of colonial violence, the survival of a people and their knowledge systems is inherently an act of resistance).37 It is in this latter sense that duodji in the contemporary art space enacts survivance. By using handicraft traditions within the very spaces that have attempted to eradicate them, both Pieski and Nango showcase the Sámi resistance which has allowed for these technique-aesthetics to continue to exist today. At the same time, the artists challenge ideas that Indigenous peoples must prove their proximity to a distant past in order to be considered “authentic” in the present. Responding to notions of historical fixity which have been cast onto contemporary duodji practices, Nango notes that duodji is centrally concerned with a “local material flow cycle,” which he says must necessarily change across time and space as different materials become more or less readily available.38 In the contemporary space, then, it is not “inauthentic” that Pieski’s Falling Shawls is made both of “more traditional” shawl thread and “less traditional” steel cables. Rather, it is a testament both to the core philosophy of duodji and to the contemporaneity–the survivance–of Sámi peoples.

The non-existence of the technique/aesthetic dichotomy in duodji also has broad implications for Sámi aesthetic values, which Rauna Kuokkanen says are largely determined by practicality.39 This practicality creates a deep connection between aesthetics and land, a connection highlighted by Sámi writer Kirsti Paltto using the example of a field: a field of lichen, she says, is more beautiful than a field of heather, for the former can feed reindeer while the latter cannot.40 In light of this, the anti-colonial resistance presented in Falling Shawls and Sámi Shelters #1-5 also becomes a broader resistance to the Western naturalist gaze. By creating landscapes out of duodji, Pieski and Nango inherently collapse the boundaries of nature and culture; they play into an artistic tradition which rests on a distanced (usually Kantian) aesthetic appreciation of “nature,” but do so using Sámi-specific knowledge and techniques which at their core are incompatible with this type of aesthetics. The resulting pieces thus cannot be read as purely cultural works because their productive processes are inherently tied to a naturalcultural set of values wherein land, technique, and aesthetics are inextricable. The resistance to naturalism in these works is thus not purely symbolic. Rather, it is materially present, woven into their very fibres, and engrained in the communal knowledge systems which made their production possible.

Access

This essay began with a quote from Pieski: “For me, Falling Shawls is about how different our realities are from each other, even though we live in the same space and time.”41 She continues, “Falling Shawls presents an empowering situation born out of duodji tradition.”42 How might the naturalist viewer or knowledge-maker make sense of this? We could certainly read it to be referring to the colonial realities experienced by Sámi. Though this is almost surely an aspect of Pieski’s sentiment, our analyses of the landscape construction in Falling Shawls and of Pieski’s own relationship with “nature” reveal another possible understanding of what she means when she mentions differing “realities.” In this understanding, she is referring to the different ontological realities experienced by her and her non-Sámi viewers, which are intrinsically wrapped into her use of duodji. As we have seen, to look at Falling Shawls and Sámi Shelters #1-5 through a naturalist lens is to see an incomplete picture of these works, one which relegates them to the realm of “culture” and which, in so doing, undermines the deeply naturalcultural technique-aesthetics of duodji. This incompleteness, this lack of full access, is born of a meeting of two realities. One wherein “nature” and “culture” exist separately, and one wherein they do not.43

When speaking of such encounters between realities, one must avoid making essentializing claims. The claim here is not that all Sámi live within fundamentally separate reality from that of Western communities. The research for this essay has made it clear that many Sámi speak of “nature,” at least sometimes, as an external entity. We see this, for example, in accounts of “nature” as something which is loaned and returned.44 Realities are not pure and constant. They can meet, can coexist, can clash, and can meld. Not even Descola considers ontologies to be mutually exclusive–instead, he says, they coexist circumstantially within the same group and even within a single person.45 The worldview of a Sámi person today will differ from that of an ancestor two hundred years ago, though both remain undeniably Sámi. In art history, differing realities do not make certain works wholly inaccessible to certain viewers. Rather, they allow for ontological perspectives to interact.

In the end, then, naturalist encounters with Falling Shawls and Sámi Shelters #1-5 play out as a sort of dance between realities, wherein some things will be made visible and others will not. To some degree, we can change what we see by challenging our own ontological and linguistic biases. This is what we do when we look at the works as naturalcultural pieces rather than purely “cultural” ones, or when we consider them outside of more traditional art historical definitions of “landscape.” Other elements surely remain hidden, lost in translation between the realities of artist and viewer. In light of this, the “empowering situation born out of duodji'' of which Pieski speaks gains another level of significance. It is at once the gathering of Sámi people represented and the artist’s own rejection of the colonial gaze by creating a work which refuses, through the processes of its creation, to be wholly visible to the naturalist viewer. In this it is again an active stance, an act of survivance, and not all such acts must be fully accessible to those outside of the groups by and for whom they are practised. Indeed, sometimes they must not be.

 

Endnotes

  1. “Čohkiideapmi – Falling Shawls,” Outi Pieski, Wordpress, Accessed March 20th, 2022. http://www.outipieski.com/installations-collages/falling-shalws/.

  2. Oxford Languages (Google), s.v. “landscape (n.),” accessed April 8th, 2022. 

  3. Philippe Descola, “Beyond Nature and Culture” in Proceedings of the British Academy: 2005 Lectures, ed. Professor P. J.  Marshall (The British Academy & Oxford University Press, Oxford: 2006), 146. 

  4. Worldview will here mean a system of knowledge which makes possible a certain reality or way of being. It is interdependent  with ontology, which refers to the reality or way of being itself.  

  5. Descola, “Beyond Nature and Culture,” 146.

  6. This term, as well as all others used in this paper, is in the language of Northern Sámi. Though it is the most common of the  Sámi languages, it is important to highlight language as one of the many areas of diversity within Sápmi. It is also important to  mention that both artists, despite the division of settler national borders, from Sápmi. 

  7. “Čohkiideapmi – Falling Shawls,” Outi Pieski, http://www.outipieski.com/installations-collages/falling-shalws/.

  8. “Interview: Outi Pieski.” EMMA Museum. https://emmamuseum.fi/en/artist-interview-outi-pieski/: 00:26.

  9. Namita Gupta Wiggers, “Interview: Duodji as part of philosophy and cosmology,” Norwegian Crafts, Nov 21st, 2018. Accessed  April 7th, 2022. https://www.norwegiancrafts.no/articles/duodji-as-part-of-philosophy-and-cosmology.

  10. Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern, trans. Catherine Porter (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University), 1993: 89.

  11. Tim Ingold, The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling, and Skill (London, UK: Routeledge), 2000: 41-43;  57. 

  12. Ingold, The Perception of the Environment, 57 (emphasis in original). 

  13. “Interagentivity” is here proposed as an alternative to intersubjectivity in order to highlight the active nature of the relations  between these subjects: 47.

  14. Jarno Valkonen, Sanna Valkonen, and Tim Ingold, “Introduction,” T.H. Eriksen, S. Valkonen, & J. Valkonen (Eds.), Knowing  from the Indigenous North: Sámi Approaches to History, Politics, and Belonging. (Oxfordshire, UK: Routledge, 2019): 4.

  15. Rauna Kuokkanen, “Towards an ‘Indigenous Paradigm’ from a Sami Perspective,” 2000. 

  16. Elina Helander-Renvall, “Animism, personhood, and the nature of reality: Sami perspectives,” Polar Record 46, 236 (2010):  44-56; Elizabeth Nijdam, “Recentering Indigenous Epistemologies Through Digital Games: Sámi Perspectives on Nature in  Rievssat (2018),” Games and Culture 0, 0 (2022): 1-15. 

  17. Descola, “Beyond Nature and Culture,” 146. 

  18. Helander-Renvall, “Animism, personhood, and the nature of reality,” 49-51. 

  19. Helander-Renvall, “Animism, personhood, and the nature of reality,” 50. 

  20. Jarno and Sanna Valkonen, “Contesting the Nature Relations of Sámi Culture,” Acta Borealis 31, 1 (2014): 25-26.

  21. Valkonen & Valkonen, “Contesting the Nature Relations of Sámi Culture,” 32. 

  22. Valkonen & Valkonen, “Contesting the Nature Relations of Sámi Culture,” 36. 

  23. A Lavvu being a wide conical tent used as a temporary dwelling for nomadic communities across Sápmi.

  24. “The Giant Lavvu Syndrome,” ArkDes. Accessed April 7th, 2022 https://arkdes.se/en/artikel/the-giant-lavvu-syndrome/.

  25. “The Giant Lavvu Syndrome,” ArkDes, https://arkdes.se/en/artikel/the-giant-lavvu-syndrome/.

  26. Gupta Wiggers, “Duodji as part of philosophy and cosmology,” https://www.norwegiancrafts.no/articles/duodji-as-part-of philosophy-and-cosmology.

  27. Valkonen & Valkonen, “Contesting the Nature Relations of Sámi Culture,” 25-26. 

  28. Gupta Wiggers, “Duodji as part of philosophy and cosmology,” https://www.norwegiancrafts.no/articles/duodji-as-part-of philosophy-and-cosmology.

  29. “Čohkiideapmi – Falling Shawls,” Outi Pieski, http://www.outipieski.com/installations-collages/falling-shalws/.

  30. “Interview: Outi Pieski.” EMMA Museum. https://emmamuseum.fi/en/artist-interview-outi-pieski/: 1:29.

  31. Jan-Erik Lundström, “Inhabited Land,” Outi Pieski, Wordpress. 2014. Accessed March 20th, 2022.  http://www.outipieski.com/about/texts/.

  32. Gupta Wiggers, “Duodji as part of philosophy and cosmology,” https://www.norwegiancrafts.no/articles/duodji-as-part-of philosophy-and-cosmology.

  33. Gunvor Guttorm, “Duodji: A New Step for Art Education,” International Journal of Art and Design (2012): 183.

  34. Guttorm, “Duodji,”183. 

  35. Guttorm, “Duodji,” 181. 

  36. Gerald Vizenor, Manifest Manners: Postindian Warriors of Survivance (Hanover: Wesleyan University, 1994).

  37. Rauna Kuokkanen, “’Survivance’ in Sami and First Nations Boarding School Narratives,” American Indian Quarterly 27, ¾  (2003): 699. 

  38. Gupta Wiggers, “Duodji as part of philosophy and cosmology,” https://www.norwegiancrafts.no/articles/duodji-as-part-of philosophy-and-cosmology.

  39. Kuokkanen, “Towards an ‘Indigenous Paradigm’,” 423. 

  40. Kuokkanen, “Towards an ‘Indigenous Paradigm’,” 423. 

  41. “Čohkiideapmi – Falling Shawls,” Outi Pieski, http://www.outipieski.com/installations-collages/falling-shalws/.

  42. “Čohkiideapmi – Falling Shawls,” Outi Pieski, http://www.outipieski.com/installations-collages/falling-shalws/.

  43. Valkonen et al., “Introduction,” 4. 

  44. Carina Sarri in Elder Mountain Dreaming, “February, A Docu-Interview of Sámi Women.” Youtube video, 15:25.

  45. Descola, “Beyond Nature and Culture,” 147.

Bibliography

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